Law and Morality free essay sample

The state has power to legislate morality in order to protect itself against behaviors that may disintegrate society and its institutions Society â€Å"means a community of ideas; without shared ideas on politics, morals, and ethics no society can exist† (Devlin, 10). ? Devlin appealed to the idea of societys moral fabric. He argued that the criminal law must respect and reinforce the moral norms of society in order to keep social order from unravelling. Society’s morality is a crucial, if not the crucial, element that holds it together Societies disintegrate from within more frequently than they are broken up by external pressures. There is disintegration when no common morality is observed and history shows that the loosening of moral bonds is often the first stage of disintegration, so that society is justified in taking the same steps to preserve its moral code as it does to preserve its government the suppression of vice is as much the laws business as the suppression of subversive activities. We will write a custom essay sample on Law and Morality or any similar topic specifically for you Do Not WasteYour Time HIRE WRITER Only 13.90 / page Devlin, The Enforcement of Morals 36 (1959) A society is entitled to enforce its morality in order to preserve its distinctive communal values and way of life HART: Hart critiques Lord Devlin’s first argument by challenging his conception of society â€Å"*He has+ a confused definition of what a society is† (Hart (1962) chapter 82). ? Attack against the Moderate/ Disintegration Thesis ? Hart argues that decriminalizing behavior, which has previously been viewed as immoral behavior, is not necessarily a threat to the society’s long-term cohesion or existence. Aappears to move from the acceptable proposition that some shared morality is essential to the existence of any society to the unacceptable proposition that a society is identical with its morality as that is at any given moment of its history, so that a change in its morality is tantamount to the destruction of a society. (Hart 51-52. Italics in original. ) ? The moderate thesis implies factual claims of the disintegration of society for which Devlin did not provide, and (in Harts view) could not have provided, substantial empirical support. I do not assert that any deviation from a society? s shared morality threatens its existence any more than I assert that any subversive activity threatens its existence. I assert that they are both activities which are capable in their nature of threatening the existence of society so that neither can be put beyond the law . I would venture to assert, for example, that you cannot have a game without rules and that if there were no rules there would be no game. If I am asked whether that means that the game is „identical? With the rules, I would be willing for the question to be answered either way in the belief that the answer would lead to nowhere. If I am 1 (Hart’s term H. L. A. Hart, Social Solidarity and the Enforcement of Morality, The University of Chicago Law Review 35 (1976), pp 1-13]. ) asked whether a change in the rules means that one game has disappeared and another has taken its place, I would reply probably not, but that it would depend on the extent of the change. (Devlin, Morals 37). ? Lord Devlin does not then think that this power should be exercised against every single kind and act of immorality. Society should exercise this power only when the moral sensibility of the majority regarding a given immoral activity rises to the level of profound â€Å"intolerance, indignation, and disgust† (Devlin, Morals 17) ? DWORKIN: If society should not legislate against all immorality, because not all immoral activities and acts endanger its existence, then what standards for evidence and action will be used to justify society’s right to enforce its morality in any given case? The threshold criterion that Lord Devlin offers is public outrage, so it comes out that nothing more than passionate public disapproval is necessary after all!? Attack against the Extreme/ Conservative Thesis Hart rejected the extreme thesis on the ground that it potentially justified legal enforcement of moral values, regardless of their content, simply because they were widely held. Such restrictions restrict society from evolving naturally in terms of its citizens’ moral beliefs practices. ? Devlin? s approach of incorporating moral values into the law â€Å"regardless of content, simply because they were widely held† places â€Å"an unjustified brake on changes. The content of moral legislation should be determined by what he terms â€Å"public morality†. ? This is not merely the majority position that could be determined by a public opinion poll. Public morality is the view held by the â€Å"reasonable man† /â€Å"right-minded man† ? What is acceptable to the ordinary man, the man in the jury box, who might also be called the reasonable man or the right minded man Devlin The Enforcement of Morals 38 (1959) Devlin chose the man in the jury box because. The verdict of a jury (12 men and women) must be unanimous (at the time he was writing) b) The jury will only reach its verdict after the issue has been fully examined and deliberated. c) The jury box is the place where the ordinary persons conception of morality is enforced. ? Elsewhere his comments suggest that the content of public morality can be identified by some kind of moral intuition ? It is the power of a common sense and not the power of reason that is behind the judgments of society†¦There is, for example, a general abhorrence of homosexuality. We should ask ourselves in the first instance whether, looking at it calmly and dispassionately, we regard it as a vice so abominable that its mere presence is an offence. If that is the genuine feeling of the society in which we live, I do not see how society can be denied the right to eradicate it (Devlin, Morals 40). ? As DWORKIN phrases the argument: â€Å"In the last analysis the decision must rest on some article of moral faith, and in a democracy this sort of issue must be settled in accordance with democratic principles. It is, after all, the community which acts when the threats and sanctions of the criminal law are brought to bear. The community must take the moral responsibility, and it must therefore act on its own lights – that is, on the moral faith of its members† (Dworkin, 246-247) HART: ? Distinguishes between Positive and Critical Morality Critical Morality: A statement of what is morally true Positive/conventional morality: A statement of what most people believe is morally true. ? Hart argued Devlin always slipped into the Positive Morality approach. The problem is that beliefs about moral matters change. At any given time in a community, there may be a consensus on some moral questions, while on other questions there will be sharp divisions. Over time, an issue may go from being a matter of consensus to being a matter of controversy, and given enough time, an issue which there was a consensus one way may eventually be a matter of consensus the other way. How can we know that our laws are enforcing society’s moral consensus rather than just protecting the last generation’s prejudices against a consensus forming around another position. The Harm Principle Hart’s2 point of inception was Mill’s ‘Harm Principle’: If there are any ‘Critically Moral Rights’ or ‘Natural Rights’ there must be a natural right of every person to be equally free. Therefore â€Å"The only purpose for which power can rightfully be exercised over any member of a civilised community against his will is to prevent harm to others. †3 ? Starting with the liberty-protecting Harm Principle enabled Hart to cast onto Devlin the burden of proof on the issue of the relationship between immorality and social harm. Certainly, Devlin provided no hard evidence to support his assertion that society would be worse off without legal moralism but neither did Hart provide any factual evidence that society would be a better (or, at least, no worse a) place without legal moralism (Peter Cane 31). ? DEVLIN: the fact that consent is not a defence for various harm-based offences showed that the harm principle was not the laws normative foundation. HART: distinction needed to be drawn between moralism and paternalism. Paternalism is justification of interfering with another person against their will, where that person will then be better off or protected from harm. The existence of the crime of bigamy also undermined the harm principle. HART: distinction needed to be drawn between Harm and Offense. What is wrong with Bigamy is its offensiveness to peoples religious sensibilities. ? DEVLIN: We see (moral) wrongfulness taken into account went sentencing, and we do not premise this on harmfulness because otherwise all crimes will be treated alike whether it was done maliciously or otherwise. HART: distinction needed to be drawn between principles of Sentencing and criminal liability. The fact that the moral gravity of an offenders conduct- its wrongfulness as opposed to its harmfulness can be taken into account in sentencing tells us nothing about the relationship between law and morality. [Hart offers no reason why this should be so (Peter Cane 32)] ? To sum up Hart’s position: Everyone has a priori liberty. Cannot exercise that liberty when it infringes (Harm’s) another’s liberty. A change in social institutions is not the sort of harm from which a society has a right to protect itself. A society’s right to act should be restricted to demonstrable and imminent rather than speculated and distant harm. The law seems to have little or nothing to do with the immediate consequences of the criminalized conduct. These include the criminalisation of attempts, offences of risk-creation, and the acceptability of strict and negligence-based criminal liability. (Peter Cane 33) ? In order to protect the ‘Harm Principle’ there are 2 reactions to criminal liability that seem to contradict the requirement of â€Å"Harm† : 1. Any law that is not premised on harm is wrong, should be decriminalized 2. Attempt to rationalize in terms of the harm principle any and every aspect of the criminal law that appears at first sight to be inconsistent with it. This is the strategy adopted by Gardner and Shute in relation to rape, and their approach could be applied more generally to cover risk-creation and attempts, for instance. We might say (as Gardner and Shute say in relation to rape) that a society in which the creation of certain risks was not a crime, or in which attempting and contemplating crimes were not themselves crimes, would be (in some sense) a worse society to live in than one in which they were. A worry about this sort of argument, however, is that it depends on the aggregate effect of many such acts, and does not seem to justify coercion of any individual. ? Classifying such diffuse effects as harm seem[s] to reduce the significance of Mills principle to vanishing point. 4 Reinterpreting the harm principle to encompass such non-individualized harm =(what Hart called) the moderate thesis in different garb! The debate about the limits of the criminal law has become a debate about the meaning of the harm principle and the definition of harm. Devlins approach was better. He asked a nonleading question: what factors ought to be taken into account in deciding whether conduct ought to be criminalised? Harm (however defined) is one such factor. But should it be given lexical priority over other relevant factors? ? It is easy enough to accept Harts idea that freedom is a basic human value. Human beings are individuals, and being able to express that individuality in ones choices and actions is an essential component of human well-being. Alongside the individuality of human beings, however, their other most noticeable characteristic is sociability. It is not just that most people choose to live in (larger or smaller) communities or that most people belong to various overlapping and interacting groups. People are also heavily reliant on those communities and groups, and on their relationships with other human beings. If individual freedom is a precondition of human flourishing so, too, is membership of communities and groups, and a rich network of social interactions. ? The law has many social benefits: We must view the law positively as a set of social resources rather than negatively as a restraint on individual freedom. ? This misconception arises from an unsophisticated picture of criminal penalties that fails to recognize their variety and the varying degrees to which they invade individual autonomy, and impose harsh treatment on and stigmatize the offender. This is, no doubt, partly the result of Harts argument that rules and principles of sentencing are irrelevant to questions about the limits of the criminal law. This is incorrect: Some conduct should not be criminalised at all, no matter what the penalty. But in relation to some conduct, the answer to the question of 4 N. E. Simmonds, Law and Morality, in E. Craig (ed. ), Routledge Encyclopedia of Philosophy (London: Routledge, 2004), retrieved 19 May 2004 from http:/ www. rep. routledge. com. whether it should be criminalised will depend on whether a suitable penalty is available. Penalties relate to stigma, and stigma relates to informing a societies interactions. ? The conception of the criminal law and of law in general that underpins the Hart-Devlin debate is what we might call a conception of law as coercion. According to this understanding of law, its prime significance and function is to secure compliance with its norms by threats of coercion and imposition of punishments and other sanctions. Laws coerciveness is seen as the characteristic most relevant to determining its proper limits. This is a deficient understanding of law and its social functions. For the typical, law-abiding citizen the significance of law resides not in its coerciveness but in its normativity. Such a person obeys the law not in order to avoid its coercive sanctions but because they consider obedience to be the preferable or correct course of action. A legal system could not operate effectively if this were not so. In this light, we must question whether a theory of the limits of law based on the assumption that law is seen by those to whom it is addressed as an invasion of their autonomy is likely to be sound. Why should we determine the limits of law by reference to the perspective of the minority of people who obey it only because of its coercive capacity, rather than the perspective of those who view law as a legitimate source of standards of behaviour? If law were viewed from this latter perspective, the idea that it might appropriately prescribe standards of behaviour that express shared social values and aspirations would seem much less objectionable. DWORKIN: Distinguishes between Goal-Based Strategy and Rights-Based Strategy: Goal-Based Strategy: Even if the behavior is bad for the community as a whole, just considered in itself, the consequences of trying to censor or otherwise suppress it would be, in the long run, even worse. Rights-Based Strategy: Even if the behaviour makes the community worse off, even in the very long run, it is nevertheless wrong to censor or restrict it because this violates the individual moral or political rights of citizens who resent the censorship. Favouring the Rights-Based Strategy (p. 194) People have the right not to suffer disadvantage in the distribution of social goods and opportunities, including disadvantage in the liberties permitted to them by the criminal law, just on the ground that their officials or fellow-citizens think that their opinions about the right way for them to lead their own lives are ignoble or wrong. I shall call this the right to moral independence, Justification of the Right to Moral Independence Rights are individual’s trumps5 over a background justification for political decisions that states a goal for the community as a whole. If someone has a right to moral independence, this means that it is for some reason wrong for officials to act in violation of that right, even if they (correctly) believe that the community as a whole would be better off if they did. To some extent, the argument in favour of a particular right must depend on which general background justification for political decisions the right in question proposes to trump. Taking Rights Seriously Dworkin assumes that the background justification with which we are concerned is some form of utilitarianism, which takes, as the goal of politics, the fulfilment of as many of peoples goals for their own lives as possible. This is the most prevalent background in Western Democracies. Suppose we accept then that, at least in general, a political decision is justified if it promises to make citizens happier or to fulfil more of their preferences, on average, than any other decision could. Suppose we assume that the decision to prohibit pornography altogether does, in fact, meet that test, because the desires and preferences of publishers and consumers are outweighed by the desires and preferences of the majority, including their preferences about how others should lead their lives. How could any contrary decision, permitting even the private use of pornography, then be justified? A proper understanding of the underlying justification for utilitarianism will itself justify the Right. Utilitarianism owes whatever appeal it has to what we might call its egalitarian nature. Utilitarianism claims that people are treated as equals when the preferences of each, weighted only for intensity, are balanced in the same scales, with no distinctions for persons or merit. Even if the majority’s preference (i. e. that which will make the majority happier) is to disadvantage or to advantage a minority, this is inconsistent with the very essence of utilitarianism , so even if it does result in fulfilment of as many of peoples goals for their own lives as possible, utilitarianism cannot allow that without undermining the philosophy that bore utilitarianism itself. Dworkin’s argument, therefore, comes to this: If utilitarianism is to figure as part of an attractive working political theory, then it must be qualified so as to restrict the preferences that undermine egalitarianism. One very practical way to achieve this restriction is provided by the idea of rights as trumps over unrestricted utilitarianism. The right of moral independence can be defended in a parallel way. Neutral utilitarianism rejects the idea that some ambitions that people might have for their own lives should have less command over social resources and opportunities than others, except as this is the consequence of weighing all preferences on an equal basis in the same scales. It rejects the argument, for example, that some peoples conception of what sexual experience should be like are inherently degrading or unwholesome. But then it cannot (for the reasons just canvassed) count the moral preferences of those who do hold such opinions in the calculation whether individuals who form some sexual minority, including homosexuals and pornographers, should be prohibited from the sexual experiences they want to have. The right of moral independence is part of the same collection of rights as the right of political independence, and it is to be justified as a trump over an unrestricted utilitarian defence of prohibitory laws against pornography. Limitations on the Right: (p. 195) Suppose it is discovered that the private consumption of pornography does in fact significantly increase the danger of crimes of violence, either generally or specifically crimes of sexual violence. Or suppose that private consumption has some special and deleterious effect on the general economy, by causing great absenteeism from work. Then government would have, in these facts, a justification for the restraint and perhaps even for the prohibition of pornography that does not include the offending hypothesis either directly, by the assumption that the hypothesis is true, or indirectly, in the proposition that many people think it true. Can we find a plausible justification for restricting the display of pornography that does not violate the right of moral independence? We can, obviously, construct a certain argument in that direction, as follows. Many people do not like to encounter genital displays on the way to the grocer. This taste is not, nor does it necessarily reflect, any adverse view of the character of those who do not mind such encounters. Another may argue, for example, that his own delight in other peoples bodies is lessened or made less sharp and special if nakedness becomes either too familiar to him or less peculiar to those occasions in which it provides him special pleasure, which may be in museums or his own bedroom or both. Or that sex will come to be different and less valuable for him if he is too often or too forcefully reminded that it has different, more commercial or more sadistic, meaning for others. Or that his goal that his children develop certain similar tastes and opinions will be thwarted by the display or advertising that he opposes. None of these different opinions and complaints must be the product of some conviction that those with other opinions and tastes are people of bad character. The Williams Report: If one accepted, as a basis for coercing one  persons actions, the fact that others would be upset even by the thought of his performing those actions, one would be denying any substantive individual liberty at all. 5 5 Report, p. 100. Laws against public sex would generally be thought to be consistent with the harm condition, in the sense that if members of the public are upset, distressed, disgusted, outraged or put out by witnessing some class of acts, then that constitutes a respect in which the public performance of those · acts harms their interests and gives them a reason to object . The offensiveness of publicly displayed pornography seems to us. To be in line with traditionally accepted rules protecting the interest in public decency. Restrictions on the open sale of these publications, and analogous arrangements for films, thus seem to us to be justified . If one goes all the way down this line, however, one arrives at the situation in which people objected to even knowing that pornography was being read in private; and if one accepted as a basis for coercing one persons actions, the fact that others would be upset even by the thought of his performing these actions, one would be denying any substantive liberty at all.

Political Socialization and The Environment essays

Political Socialization and The Environment essays Political Socialization and The Environment The political socialization of the population has become a large concern for society today. With out a change in the political socialization in a way favorable to the preservation of the world disaster can occur. Political Socialization is an efficient means in predicting and controlling the political ideals and values of future generations. As people grow more environmentally conscious, socialization could be a useful tool in ensuring the protection of the environment for future generations. Political socialization could also predict what will be faced by future generations as a result of the worlds destruction of the environment. Whether or not health problems resulting from pollution will affect socialization or the absence of forests and the natural world will effect socialization. Although, it is obvious to say that it will but socialization can explain how it will. If socialization is not geared towards environmental awareness and conservation then the world can only ex pect a greater deterioration of its surroundings as well as greater pollution, which will cause more health problems. Socialization is the most effective way to ensure how future generations will deal with and perceive the world; if that perception is to protect the environment then the possibility that natural resources will be protected is greatly enhanced. The socialization of those active in the environmental movement or those concerned with conservation as well as those with an environmental consciousness comes from many factors, the condition of their political leaders and state, the presence of an environmental danger or disaster, and the role of education in teaching the youth environmental preservation. It has been held for thousands of years by primitive tribes and cultures that human kind should live harmoniously with nature, living with nature is practiced still in the aboriginal tribes of ...

Women Find Comfort In Their Bodies Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1500 words

Women Find Comfort In Their Bodies - Essay Example For a woman, to be comfortable in her body she might require the approval of a number of people before she wears something – by this I mean that many women have this habit of asking a couple of people how they look when they wear something before they can venture out with confidence. When a few other people tell them that they are looking good, they feel comfortable in their clothing and their bodies. Many women might not have the perfect body – they might have extra fat on several parts of their bodies making them bulge out and feel unattractive or they may not like the way their hair or their face looks on a certain day. All these aspects are very secondary to comfort. When a woman feels perfect with respect to all these aspects of her body, she feels very confident. In Persepolis, Marjane feels very at ease with her self when she is a young girl as opposed to her growing up years. Her grandmother is so comfortable with her sexuality that she openly talks about placin g jasmine flowers in her bra cups to make her breasts soft and smell good, something not many people would be comfortable of speaking about. On the other hand, there are a number of women that do not need someone else’s approval in order to tell themselves that they look good and thus feel comfortable with themselves. Such women have an inherent idea about how they look despite what others might tell them, thus suggesting that they have found a comfort zone within their body and are very happy with who they are. Â  

Communication and leadership styles Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

Communication and leadership styles - Essay Example ristics that focus on his charisma, innate theoretical background as a law major on human rights, and virtues such as integrity, courage, faith, perseverance and service to his people. As revealed, the most famous protest led by him was the Salt March that proved his leadership skills in enjoining the participation of followers for an identified purpose and vision. Through his character (ethos), Gandhi was able to move and transform people by touching on their emotions (pathos) and by rationalizing through logical reasoning (logos). The Salt March enabled Gandhi to achieve his objective and paved the way for the British government to negotiate with him and eventually freed India from their bondage (Leadership With You, 2011). The only advice one could give Gandhi was to congratulate and commend him for an endeavor well done. His leadership inspired future leaders and was instrumental in contributing towards the independence of their nation. After listening to the speech of Steve Jobs at Stanford University (Jobs, 2005), his lessons included connecting the dots (or seeing meaning in failures and trials); loving and losing; embracing death as a transition in life and staying hungry and foolish. As to Dalton Sherman’s keynote speech at Dallas Independent School District (YouTube, 2008), his message focused on believing in oneself and in colleagues as enhancing one’s ability to succeed. There is another speech made by J.K. Rowling at the 2008 Harvard Commencement event that focused on The Fringe Benefits of Failure, and The Importance of Imagination† (Rowling, 2008). She provided a relevant lesson that â€Å"Life is difficult, and complicated, and beyond anyone’s total control, and the humility to know that will enable you to survive its vicissitudes† (Rowling, 2008, p. 1). The three speeches were effective in eliciting emotional appeal on the audience using rhetorical elements of ethos, pathos and logos; as well as provoking encouragement to go beyond

Phonetics and you can find every thing in the slide Essay - 1

Phonetics and you can find every thing in the slide - Essay Example The fact that there is evidence of both a voiced /É £/and voiceless /x/ velar fricative occurring in the same environments anticipates they are phonemes, and that a voiced counterpart to the labio-dental /f/ and alveolar fricative /s/ would also be found with further data. Evidence also suggests that although the voiced and voiceless pairs of velar fricative phonemes exist they are not found in all situations; for example, /x/ and /É £/ occur directly before the back mid vowel /o/ and the low vowel /a/ but not before the high /i/ and mid /e/front vowels and are thus in complementary distribution, wherein we find a voiceless alveolar fricative [ÊÆ'] or its voiced counterpart [Ê’]. It is likely therefore, that the voiceless velar fricative /x/ becomes alveolar [ÊÆ'] before front vowels /i/ and /e/, while its voiced partner /É £/ also becomes alveolar [Ê’] in the same situation, both of which therefore are allophones not phonemes. Within the dataset provided it could be predicted that [m] is an allophone of /n/ because [m] only occurs word initially and /n/ only occurs between vowels, but because of symmetry it is more likely they both occur as phonemes – within this same argument there may be a velar nasal /Å‹/. Another allophone evidenced in the data is the alveolar trill [r] which is only found inter-vocalically preceding two vowels - in other words a diphthong. It can thus be assumed that the flap or tap /É ¾/ becomes a trill [r] before a diphthong. The difficulty in terms of interpretation in this data set is whether the post alveolar affricate [tÊÆ'] is a phoneme or an allophone; for want of further evidence and because both the voiced and voiceless post alveolar fricatives occur in the same environment as the post alveolar affricate it is suggested that it is an allophone of /k/ in keeping with the symmetrical pattern of each velar phoneme having allophones preceding front

Intervention of Stroop Effect on Color Naming Task

Intervention of Stroop Effect on Color Naming Task Dang Su Rene Abstract The research shows that the intervention of Stroop effect affects the time taken in completing the color naming task. To do this experiment, 248 participants were randomly selected which are half of the participants are Chinese speaking and another half are non-Chinese speaking. The two type of participants will took this experiment. Their result were recorded and shows that non-Chinese speaking took a little longer time to identify the color of round shapes, neutral words, incongruent color words and related words compared to Chinese speaking. However, their results turn out to be very competitive. In contrast, participants who are Chinese speaking they understand Chinese incongruent word and this causes them take time to identify it. (115 words) Introduction â€Å"Stroop effect† is discovered by John Ridley Stroop was first publish in 1935 in an article. This effect is a study of an intervention that the brain’s reaction time of a task. However, the misapply of interference or inhibition has given the physiologist to begin the investigation on experimental literature and has perpetuate to the present by psychologists. Many studies had been published but only several reports captured the psychologist attention. Stroop (1935) was the original Stroop Experiment that studied the speed in naming the ink color and the nature of stimulus which is round shape versus incongruent color words. It illustrates the nature of automatic processing versus visual awareness control. The results showed that the speed in naming the ink color of incongruent color words were slower compared to round shapes. The conclusion was stated were due to interference effect. After a short time, there is two alternative explanation for the Stroop Effect have been suggested which is relative speed of processing argument and automaticity account. The relative speed of argument theory was proposed by John Morton (1969). Both reading and color naming are accomplished in parallel. When it is complete at the same time, word reading is faster and therefore interferes with color naming in the race for verbal output. Schiffrin and Schneider (1977) came up automaticity account theory that suggested the two cognitive attentional processes are automatic processes and controlled processes. They illustrate the differences between the automatic and the controlled. Automatic task requires less attention, difficult to interrupt and it is a task that we are practiced at. In contrast, controlled task requires more attention, interrupt easily and new tasks is given. Therefore, the Stroop Effect happens when an automatic process disrupts a controlled process and this may causes changes after practicing at naming colors. Dalrymple-Alford (1972) considered the variation of the Stroop Effect which includes some conditions. The conditions was to have shapes, color related words and non color-related words. As a result, he concluded that more interference for color related word. Ami (2012) studied that conventional theories of the Stroop effect propose that faster color categorization on congruent trials parallel to incongruent trials is caused by channel interaction. In other words, information from the unrelated word channel disrupts processing of the print color, in turn triggers the deceleration process of incongruent displays. Karthikeyan, Murugappan, Yaacob (2014) studied the results shows that notable changes between the normal and stressed states are more apparent with categorization accuracy. The aim is to display the interference in the response time of a task. Therefore, the current research helps us understand that the participants will take longer time to identify color for incongruent color words (Sheet C) compared to color shapes (Sheet A) and color neutral words (Sheet B). Participants who are Chinese speaking will take longer time to identify color for Chinese-incongruent color words (Sheet E) compared to those non-Chinese speaking. Participants will take longer time to identify color for color related words (Sheet D) compared to color neutral words (Sheet B). (505 words) Method Participants 248 participants were randomly selected from college mates, relatives, friends and acquaintances that were recruited by the researcher. The participants are aged between 16-50 years old. In addition, half of the participants are Chinese speaking and another half are non-Chinese speaking. The participants should not be color blind and must be literate in English. Materials Construct 5 test sheets and a practice sheet of A4 paper. Color pencils or color markers are to be used for the 5 test sheets and practice sheet. A timer is used to record the duration of the experiment. Procedure Before the experiment starts, the researcher has chosen a suitable location where the participants can be seated with minimal distractions. Participants are also given a consent form to sign. Each consent form contains the participant’s signature and the date they did the experiment. Next, the instructions and the experimental conditions were explained to the participants by the researcher. The 5 pages of test sheet with objects or words that are written in different colors were not shown to the participants. The participants were required to name aloud the color of the objects or words as fast as they can. However, if the participants named it wrongly, they are alerted by the researcher and required to repeat the color of the object or word again. After that, the researcher showed the participants the practice sheet that consist one example from the 5 test sheets to make sure that they understand the instructions. Otherwise, the researcher will repeat the explanation to them until they get to understand it. Then, show them the 5 test sheets which are Sheet A, B, C, D and E one at a time. Meanwhile, the time that the participants took to complete the task was tabulated by the researcher. (295 words) Results According to the experiments, most of the participants who are Chinese speaking react faster than the participants who are non-Chinese speaking. The table below is regarding to complete color naming task which is sheet A,B,C,D and E are round shape, color neutral words, incongruent color words, color-related words and Chinese incongruent color words. Table 1 show that the participants who are Chinese speaking take a longer time to finish test sheet E which is Chinese incongruent color words than those who are non-Chinese speaking. In contrast, the participants who are Chinese speaking spent significantly less time on the color naming task than the participants who are non-Chinese speaking. Overall, my hypothesis was that the participants will take longer to identify Sheet C compared to Sheet A and B. Chinese speaking participants will spent longer time to identify Sheet E compared to those non-Chinese speaking. Participants will take longer time to identify Sheet D compared to Sheet B. My results do support my hypotheses. Table 1. Time Taken (In Seconds) to Complete Color Naming Task Figure 1. Time taken (In Seconds) to Complete Color Naming Task (163words) Discussion The result showed a significant effect of the participants in completing color naming task were found in this study that the participants who are Chinese speaking take a longer time to finish test sheet E which is Chinese incongruent color words than those who are non-Chinese speaking. In contrast, the participants who are Chinese speaking spent significantly less time on the color naming task than the participants who are non-Chinese speaking. This result is in line with previous research and it supports my hypotheses of this study. In the past research they do not have Chinese incongruent color words and the participants who are Chinese speaking. According to the past research, the findings of Stroop (1935) studied that the speed in naming ink color are affected by nature of stimulus. Morton (1969) also concluded that word reading is faster and therefore interferes with color naming in the race for verbal output. Dalrymple-Alford concluded that the results are more interference for color related words. References Dalrymple-Alford,E.C. (1972). Sound similarity and color word interference in the stroop  task. Psychonomic Science, 28, 209-210. Ami, E. (2012), Independent race of color and word can predict the stroop effect. Australian  Journal Of Psychology, 64 , 189-198. Karthikeyan, P. , Murugappan, M. Yaacob, S. (2014). Analysis of Stroop Color Word Test-Based Human StressDetection using Electrocardiography ad Heart Rate Variability Signals. Arabian Journal for Science Engineering (Springer Science Buisness Media B.V.), 39, 1835-1847 Morton, J. (1969). Categories of interference: Verbal mediation and conflict in card sorting. British Journal of Psychology, 60, 329-346. Shiffrin, R.M. Schneider, W. (1977). Controled and automatic human processing: II. Perceptual learning, automatic attending and a general theory. Psychology Review, 84, 127-190. Stroop, J. R. (1935). Studies in interference in serial verbal reactions. Journal of Experimental Psychology, 18, 643-662.

The Importance of Group Work in Education Essay example -- Group Work

The Importance of Group Work in Education When I was in high school, and one of my teachers would ask us to form groups in order to do something, I would usually roll my eyes. Ironically enough, some of the best work that I put forth and learned from was done in a group work setting. By working with my peers towards a common end, I got things done much quicker and thorough than I ever did on my own. I chose to research group work for this essay, because in my limited experience as a teacher, youth worker, and student, group work proves to be a most effective teaching method; when it is done successfully. To begin, I came up with four questions to ask myself in researching this project: Why is implementing group work such a useful teaching method? How does it best foster critical literacy? How can it work to begin to dissolve the traditional labels of student stereotypes? How does group work best benefit the inclusion path: incorporating both gifted and special needs students? I have only been able to better understand the answers to these questions in the light of my limited experience, student talk, and professional writings. I do plan on being able to establish more of a concrete application of my philosophy within this short intern experience. My philosophy of group work reflects my philosophy on classroom culture. I see the best classroom environment as one that is non-hostile towards the student; doing whatever it can to clarify and to understand their ideas and problems. In a setting such as this, the student will develop a certain autonomy in discovering their own learning styles, as well as in evaluating their own work. à ¬Students who are authors in the English classroom are more than the writer of... ...esponse to Literature.à ® English Journal. 84:6 (October). Christensen, Linda. 1994. à ¬Building Community from Choas.à ® Rethinking Our Classrooms. Rethinking Schools, Ltd.;Milwaukee, 1994. Evans, Karen S. 1996. à ¬TheRole of Positioning in Peer à ±Led Literature Discussions. Language Arts. 73:3. (March). Hillebrand, Ramana P. 1994. à ¬Contol and Cohesion: Collaborative Learning and Writing. English Journal. 84:1. (January) Knudson, Ruth E. 1995. à ¬A study of Teachers, Tracking, and Grouping: An Examination ofPactice.à ® English Journal. 84:1 (January) Kutz, Eeanor and Hephzibah Roskelly. An Unquiet Pedagogy. Boyton/Cook Publishes; NH, 1991. Levin, James and James Nolan. Principles of Classroom Management. Allyn and Bacon; 1996. Mayher, John S. Uncommon Sense. Boyton/Cook Publishers; NH, 1990. Steinberg, Laurence. Adolescence. McGraw Hill, INC.: NY, 1996.